The Partisan History of Reform in DC: 60 Years of Party Platforms and Promises
It is often said that DC Statehood is (simply) a partisan issue. While it is absolutely NOT a partisan issue for the people who call Washington, DC home, reforms like statehood do not happen in a vacuum. Much of the partisan controversy over statehood swirls around the Senate, where a narrowly divided body is very sensitive to the idea of adding any more members. Few Americans remember the history surrounding the change from 48 to 50 states, let alone 46 to 48, but they make for illuminating episodes in our political history. From 1860 to 1899, no less than 11 states were admitted to the Union -- or blocked from admission and only admitted later. And Alaska spent nearly 50 years on its own campaign during the 20th century.
The history of the many campaigns for DC statehood (and other, lesser reforms) are equally illuminating -- and frustrating. We think it is useful to look at the history of partisan attitudes towards representation, home rule and statehood for the people of DC. And while there are various political parties in America, our focus here is on the two parties which have vied for control of Congress and the Presidency for over 150 years.
It might be argued that modern DC political history began with the ratification of the 23rd Amendment (1961), granting DC residents their first ever vote for President in 1964. This was followed by reforms allowing for an elected DC School Board (1966) and elected DC Council and Mayor (1973) after a full century without ANY right to vote in DC. For simplicity's sake, then, we begin in 1964, following adoption of the 23rd Amendment.
1964-1976: Broad Support for Congressional Representation and Local Self-Government
Both the Republican and Democratic parties supported the 23rd Amendment in their Party Platforms of 1956 and 1960, and indicated support for the creation of a locally elected government. Discussions about fuller enfranchisement began soon after. Elected local government was reestablished (after a full century without any locally elected officials) starting with an elected School Board in 1966 and an elected Mayor and Council starting in 1974.
The 1964 Republican Party Platform made no mention of the District of Columbia, while the 1964 Democratic Party Platform stated,
"We support home rule for the District of Columbia. ... We also support a constitutional amendment giving the District voting representation in Congress, and, pending such action, the enactment of legislation providing for a non-voting delegate...in the House of Representatives."
The 1968 Republican and Democratic Party platforms both voiced support for Congressional representation, though the Democratic Platform specifically called for a Constitutional Amendment:
Republican: "We specifically favor representation in Congress for the District of Columbia."
Democratic: "The Democratic Party supports...a Constitutional amendment to grant [full] citizenship through voting representation in Congress."
On the matter of self-government, the two platforms were essentially the same:
Republican: "We will work to establish a system of self-government for the District of Columbia...."
Democratic: "We support a...charter commission -- controlled by District residents -- to determine the most appropriate form of government for the District...."
The 1972 and 1976 Republican and Democratic Party platforms essentially repeated their 1968 Platforms, though the Democratic Platform deleted any further mention of a Constitutional amendment.
Republican: "We support voting representation for the District of Columbia in the United States Congress and will work for a system of self-government for the city which takes fair account of the needs and interests of both the Federal Government and the citizens of the District of Columbia." (The DC Home Rule Act, the federal law which serves as the District's de facto state constitution, was passed and signed by President Nixon in 1973.)
Democratic: "Full home rule for the District of Columbia, including an elected mayor-city council government, broad legislative power, control over appointments, automatic federal payment and voting representation in both Houses of Congress"
Republican: "We again...support giving the District of Columbia voting representation in the United States Senate and House of Representatives and full home rule over those matters that are purely local."
Democratic: "We support...full home rule for the District of Columbia, including authority over its budget and local revenues, elimination of federal restrictions in matters which are purely local and voting representation in the Congress"
1978: The DC Voting Rights Amendment
DC's first non-voting Delegate, Walter Fauntroy, pursued a strategy to win DC residents full representation in Congress (House and Senate) by means of a Constitutional amendment. This strategy came to fruition in 1978, when the House (in March) and the Senate (in August) each passed the Joint Resolution by a required two-thirds majority prior to sending the Amendment to the states for ratification.
In the Senate, a majority of the support for the Amendment came from Democrats, who voted 48 in favor to 12 against. Among Republicans, the vote split 19 in favor to 19 against. Republican senators supporting the Amendment included:
Sen. Howard Baker (TN) (Republican Senate Minority Leader)
Sen. Edward Brooke (MA)
Sen. Clifford Case (NJ)
Sen. Lincoln Chafee (RI)
Sen. Robert Danforth (MO)
Sen. Bob Dole (KS)
Sen. Barry Goldwater (AZ)
Sen. Robert Griffin (MI)
Sen. Mark Hatfield (OR)
Sen. John Heinz (PA)
Sen. Jacob Javits (NY)
Sen. Richard Lugar (IN)
Sen. Charles Mathias (MD)
Sen. Bob Packwood (OR)
Sen. James Pearson (KS)
Sen. Charles Percy (IL)
Sen. Robert Stafford (VT)
Sen. Strom Thurmond (SC)
Sen. Lowell Weicker (CT)
1980-1984: DC Voting Rights Amendment Era and Failure to Ratify
With the passage of the DC Voting Rights Amendment by the required two-thirds majority in both the House and Senate, the proposed amendment was sent to the states for ratification. Three-fourths of the states -- 38 -- were required to ratify, but the rules set a deadline of seven years in which to do so. Only 16 state legislatures succeeded in passing the Amendment before the deadline expired in 1985. Meanwhile, DC residents convened a state constitutional convention starting in 1980 to draft a constitution for the proposed State of New Columbia, which was approved by DC voters in 1982.
The 1980 Democratic Party Platform noted the recent passage of the DC Voting Rights Amendment in Congress, calling for ratification:
"Both the ERA and District of Columbia Voting Rights Amendments to the Constitution must be ratified...."
Neither the 1980 nor 1984 Republican Party platforms made any mention of the District of Columbia.
The 1984 Democratic Party Platform made no mention of the District of Columbia.
1988-2000: Support and Opposition for DC Statehood
In the wake of the failure of the DC Voting Rights Amendment, DC Statehood came to the fore. But by the early 1990s, Washington, DC was facing both a fiscal crisis and a widely publicized local Mayoral corruption scandal. Congress took away many of the powers of the Mayor and Council in the mid-1990s, placing the city under a federal Financial Control Board. DC finances returned to a stronger position by 2000.
The Republican Party Platform made no mention of the District of Columbia. The Democratic Party Platform stated,
"We believe that this country's democratic processes must be revitalized...by supporting statehood for the District of Columbia...."
The Democratic Party Platform made no mention of the District of Columbia. The Republican Party Platform stated,
"We call for closer and responsible Congressional scrutiny of the city...and tighter fiscal restraints over its expenditures. We oppose statehood as inconsistent with the original intent of the Framers of the Constitution...."
The Republican Party Platform echoed the language of 1992 in more critical language, stating,
"We reaffirm the constitutional status of the District of Columbia as the seat of government of the United States and reject calls for statehood for the District."
The Democratic Party Platform returned to language which echoed its 1988 platform:
"[W]e believe all Americans have a right to fair political representation -- including the citizens of the District of Columbia who deserve full self-governance, political representation, and statehood."
The 2000 Republican Party Platform was much the same as 1992 and 1996, focusing on maintaining the entire District as a federal zone:
"We respect the design of the Framers of the Constitution that our nation's capital has a unique status and should remain independent of any individual state."
The 2000 Democratic Party Platform was much the same as 1996:
"The citizens of the District of Columbia are entitled to autonomy in the conduct of their civic affairs, full political representation as Americans who are fully taxed, and statehood."
2004-2012: The Voting Rights Era
DC Statehood exited the political stage in the 2000s, replaced by legislation designed to expand local autonomy and provide limited Congressional representation, most notably the bipartisan DC House Voting Rights Act to provide a single voting Representative to the District. These bills stalled repeatedly due to the inclusion of non-germane amendments regarding local DC laws on politically sensitive issues such as abortion and gun control.
The Republican Party Platform repeated language from 2000 ("We respect the design of the Framers of the Constitution..."), adding in regard to the District's strengthening financial position,
"[W]e support yielding more budgetary and legal autonomy to local elected officials."
The Democratic Party Platform stated,
"As we encourage democracy around the world, we must extend democracy here at home. We support equal rights to democratic self-government and Congressional representation for the citizens of our nation's capital."
The Republican Party Platform was largely unchanged, though it jettisoned its language from 2000 and 2004 ("We respect the design of the Framers of the Constitution...") in favor of less explicit language which continued to emphasize the maintenance of federal control:
"The nation's capital is a special responsibility of the federal government. ... Washington should be made a model city." The Democratic Party Platform repeated its language from 2004.
The Republican Party Platform made no specific mention of the District of Columbia beyond brief references to the District in regard to the issues of abortion and the Second Amendment. The Democratic Party Platform stated,
"The American citizens who live in Washington, D.C., like the citizens of the 50 states, should have full and equal congressional rights and the right to have the laws and budget of their local government respected without congressional interference."
2016-2020: The Return of DC Statehood
Both parties addressed statehood for the first time since 2000. Party conventions took place as DC voters gathered to discuss a new draft state constitution. A local referendum on statehood passed overwhelmingly (86%) at the end of 2016.
The 2016 Republican Party Platform addressed the District in much greater detail and in much more hostile language than any previous platform. The statement began, echoing previous platforms,
"The nation's capital city is a special responsibility of the federal government," adding, "because it belongs both to its residents and to all Americans, millions of whom visit it every year. ... We call for Congressional action to enforce the spirit of the Home Rule Act, assuring minority representation in the City Council. That council, backed by the current mayor, is attempting to seize from the Congress its appropriating power over all funding for the District. The illegality of their action mirrors the unacceptable spike in violent crime and murders currently afflicting the city. We expect Congress to assert, by whatever means necessary, its constitutional prerogatives regarding the District."
Regarding statehood specifically, the platform asserted,
"Statehood for the District can be advanced only by a constitutional amendment. Any other approach would be invalid. A statehood amendment was soundly rejected by the states when last proposed in 1976 and should not be revived."
In fact, the DC Voting Rights Amendment, which was sent to the states following passage in Congress in 1978, would have provided for full Congressional representation, but not statehood. Beyond its opposition to statehood, the 2016 Republican Party platform appeared to reject any other efforts to reform the District's political status.
The 2016 Democratic Party Platform stated,
"Restoring our democracy also means passing statehood for the District of Columbia, so that the American citizens who reside in the nation's capital have full and equal congressional rights as well as the right to have the laws and budget of their local government respected without Congressional interference."
The 2020 Democratic Party Platform stated,
"It's time to stop treating the more than 700,000 people who live in our nation's capital as second-class citizens. The residents of Washington, DC pay more per capita in federal income taxes than any state in the country -- and more in total federal income tax than 22 states -- and yet the District has zero voting representatives in the US Congress. The Congress retains broad power to override budget decisions made by democratically elected officials in Washington, DC. And as was made shockingly clear to the American people this year, under current law, Washington, DC does not have control over its own National Guard units and can be occupied by military forces at the President’s whim.
The citizens of Washington, D.C.—a majority of whom are people of color -- voted overwhelmingly in favor of statehood in a 2016 referendum and have ratified a state constitution. Democrats unequivocally support statehood for Washington, DC, so the citizens of the District can at last have full and equal representation in Congress and the rights of self-determination."
The Republican Party did not issue a Party Platform in 2020.
Conclusion: 6 Decades of Shifting Political Winds
America's major parties started out very much in agreeement during the 1960s and 1970s over full Congressional representation and self-government for the people of the District of Columbia, with many in both parties supporting a Constitutional Amendment in 1978. In the 1980s, the parties said little following the failure of the states to ratify the DC Voting Rights Amendment, which led to the emergence of DC statehood in the Democratic Party platform. In the 1990s, both parties retreated in 1992, but Democrats soon returned to support statehood, while Republicans began to focus more on opposition to statehood, while saying nothing more about Congressional representation. In the 2000s and 2010s, continuing support for Congressional representation and expanded self-government, if not statehood, reappeared in the Democratic Party platform, while Republicans simply called for the preservation of Washington, DC as a city under federal control. Following the reintroduction of statehood legislation in 2012, the 2016 Democratic and Republican Party platforms represent a significantly wider partisan split than ever before on the District of Columbia. (The Republican Party did not issue a party platform in 2020, while the Democratic Party continued to express support for statehood, passing DC statehood legislation in the House for the first time in June 2020.)
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